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In effect, the right to develop land is nationalised, and decisions about development are taken in the public interest quite separate from issues concerning land values or ownership. Essentially, it is a permissive system, in which the planning authority can approve or refuse permission to develop, but does not, in general, initiate development itself. Blowers (1986) drew attention to the paradox of planning being focused upon land use, over which it has little control (because a developer may fail to come forward, or because refusal of development permission may be over-turned on appeal), but neglecting land values over which it does have influence by indicating both broad and specific locations approved for development.
Certainly, there are isolated successes to be recorded, but overall it must be seen as a relatively small piece in the overall jigsaw of urban land use. The theme of the public regulation of land will be returned to in the broader context of land use policy in Chapter 6. Fiscal measures The state may intervene in the urban land market through many fiscal measures. Essentially there are three kinds: (1) routine raising of revenue, (2) taxes or levies on land and property in order to recoup some of the enhanced 39 LAND AN D THE CITY value of the developed land which is considered to have been created by the community, and (3) subsidies to promote development or encourage important activities.
5) once again the combination of sectors and concentric rings. 6). Implicit in all of these models of urban land use is the important role of transport, and it is necessary to consider two aspects. First, some reference must be made to the large scale simulation models of urban land use and transport which were developed in the united States from 1960 onwards, even though they are not primarily economic models. Second, it is useful to look at more detailed empirical examinations of the connection between transport and land costs.
36 Modeles Pour Une Maison